Reproductive Injustice by Dána-Ain Davis

Author:Dána-Ain Davis [Davis, Dána-Ain]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: SOC002000 Social Science / Anthropology / General
Publisher: NYU Press

Figure 4.1 Children’s Bureau poster commemorating Children’s Year

Saving Mothers and Infants: The Sheppard-Towner Act

From 1909 until 1936, infant and maternal mortality were treated as public, social, and political issues reflecting on the nation. During the early twentieth century, the confluence of Progressivism, feminism, and medical specialization raised interest in infant and maternal mortality, propelling these issues to the forefront of popular and political debate (Gertz 2013). Between 1915 and 1920, “Negro” infant mortality was 65 percent higher than white infant mortality (Meckel 2015). Yet, “Negro” infant mortality rates were neglected even though the rate in 1915 was 181 per 1,000 compared with a rate of 100 per 1,000 for whites (Ladd-Taylor 1993, 122). Directing attention to reducing Black infant and maternal mortality, particularly in the South, was not a central issue of concern until after the enactment of the Sheppard-Towner Act in 1921 (Meckel 2015, 142).

The Promotion of the Welfare and Hygiene of Maternity and Infancy Act, also known as the Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Protection Act, was signed into law by President William G. Harding in November 1921. It was enacted to combat the high rates of maternal and infant mortality through the provision of federal funding to state programs for mothers and babies. It was the first women’s bill to pass into law after women won the right to vote, and it remained in effect until 1929. Initially, medical societies and organizations opposed Sheppard-Towner on several grounds: some believed the bill brought the nation one step closer to socialist medicine, others argued that the bill infringed on state rights, and still others viewed it as a feminist plot. It did pass, however, primarily because politicians, who were fearful that women would vote as a bloc, wanted to appease women in the hope of securing their votes.

Decreasing premature birth and infant and maternal mortality rates involved using federal funds to disseminate information and instruction on nutrition, hygiene, and prenatal, neonatal, and postpartum care. Funds supported conferences and provided maternity nurses for pregnant women and new mothers. Saving babies and mothers was now legislated, yet maternal and child health services in state health departments were uneven. Some states did not participate in the effort, and other states participated in some years but not others. Funds distributed by the Sheppard-Towner Act assisted states in establishing, for example, midwife training programs. However, some were less effective than others, in part due to their administrative operation. Using a decentralized administrative model, Sheppard-Towner allowed communities to develop programs that met their needs. Some have argued that this structure made it easier to discriminate against Blacks since there was little administrative oversight to ensure even distribution of services (Moehling and Thomasson 2012). Thus, racial stratification impeded the success of the Sheppard-Towner Act. While public health nurses were hired by departments of health, Black nurses faced barriers in their fight to meet Black people’s health needs.1 Black women were recruited to assist in health promotion for their communities. However, many of them reported discrimination, and there is evidence that efforts on behalf of all children were uneven.

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